By Michael Marsh, David M. Farrell, Gail McElroy
"A Conservative Revolution?' examines underlying voter attitudes within the interval 2002-11. Drawing on 3 nationwide election experiences the publication follows celebration procedure evolution and voter behaviour from increase to bust. those info allow an exceptional perception right into a social gathering procedure and its electorate at a time of significant switch, because the kingdom went via a interval of quick progress to turn into one in all Europe's wealthiest states in the early twenty-first century to monetary meltdown in the course of the overseas nice Recession, all of this within the house of a unmarried decade. within the method, this learn explores a few of the well-established norms and traditional wisdoms of Irish electoral behaviour that make it such an enticing case examine for comparability with different industrialized democracies."-- Read more...
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Additional resources for A conservative revolution? : electoral change in twenty-first-century Ireland
This is undoubtedly due to the somewhat different nature of the unemployed group in 2011, compared to 2002–7, as unemployment increased from around 4% in 2007 to more than 14% in 2011. 2. Differences from the working class in support for the four main parties in the 2011 election Note: This ﬁgure displays probabilities of voting for the four main parties in 2011 relative to the working-class group. These predicted probabilities are derived from a multinomial logit regression model and refer to a man born in 1970, who lives in an urban area and is not a member of a trade union.
If we categorize income into three (effectively dividing the ‘middle class’ group into two), then we see the same patterns as shown here. That is, people in the top third of the income distribution are not noticeably different from those in the middle third, but those in the top 60% or so are different from the people with the lowest incomes. While this income-based measure is not ideal for discriminating among employees, measures of occupational class are unfortunately even less consistent over the 2002–11 period.
Leyden and Michael S. Lewis-Beck The Irish Voter and the Economy: The 2002 Baseline The ﬁrst (2002) INES could have been expected to show that the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrat government coalition reaped considerable reward in the face of the ongoing economic boom. It did win but, in the words of The Irish Voter, it was ‘not perhaps such a large victory as might have been expected’ (Marsh et al. 2008: 5). Still, there was clear evidence that the economy mattered for voters. In terms of assessing the major problems of the nation, respondents gave the government much more positive remarks, when compared to the opposition.